Whatever his own wishes may have been

Whatever his own wishes may have been, it was in the highest degree improbable that even his great influence with the republic could have persuaded it to allow any of its citizens to occupy so exalted a position as that of emperor. Venice was fully alive to her own interest. To break the power of Constantinople, to weaken its influence over the territories adjacent to those of the republic, to take away its trade, to obtain a considerable portion of its territory —all these were advantages.

Venice was already in difficulties

But it was not to the interest of the republic to allow one of its citizens to occupy a throne which might render him or his successor a dangerous rival. Venice was already in difficulties with the Elder Borne, and had no wish to alienate Philip and every one else who claimed or hoped to be the ruler of the New Borne. Moreover, it was not probable that Dandolo would have stood a good chance of being elected. A large portion of the Venetians themselves would have opposed his election, while the Crusaders would probably have, for the moment, put aside their jealousies in order to join in opposing him. Public feeling against the Venetians was strong, and the disaffection towards them was ready at any moment to break out.

While, however, Dandolo did not propose to become a candidate himself, his influence over the election was of Dandoio. Of the utmost importance. He, indeed, was master of the situation. It had been agreed that the emperor should be elected by six representatives chosen by the Venetians and six chosen by the Crusaders. Dandolo had great and probably absolute influence over the Venetians, and the fact that he had not put himself forward as a candidate probably gave him considerable authority with the rest. There were reasons why he should have used his influence in favor of Boniface of Montferrat. Dandolo and Boniface had been triumphant in their efforts to divert the crusading army from its object: the first in order to carry out the treaty with Malek Adel, the second in order to accomplish the designs of Philip of Swabia claims of and his own.

No Spaniards under a Cortez or a Pizarro

No Spaniards under a Cortez or a Pizarro ever had an apparently more hopeless task, and, to the credit of the filibustering host, it must be added that none ever succeeded more completely in the work of destruction before them. The bishops and clergy in the army exhorted the soldiers to confess and make their wills. Solemn religious services placed the army under the protection of the saints. Then the embarkation commenced. The knights with their chargers went once more on board the huissiers, or transports, which were so constructed that either large ports or a portion of the bulwarks opened readily, and could allow the knights to ride across the gangways while mounted. The rank and file, on board the larger ships, followed.

The galleys were manned

The galleys were manned, the fighting men clothed in battle array, and the vessels themselves made ready for action. Alexis was attended by numerous troops, and was treated with every mark of respect. The next morning at daylight, every one being in his place, the trumpets sounded; the signal for starting was given, and the expedition set out on the last stage of its journey to the imperial city. The knights had their helmets laced, their armor on, while their horses were arrayed in battle gear. Each galley took in tow one of the hussies with knights on board.

The crossbowmen fanciers went first to keep clear the coast for landing. No other order of precedence was observed. The vessel which could get over first did so. The distance from Scutari is under a mile, and was soon covered. The knights, though in armor, leaped overboard while the water was still up to their waists, and, lance in hand, made for the shore. They probably landed near the modern Tophana, or between it and the mouth of the Golden Horn. Some of the troops of the emperor saw the fleet approach, but they turned and fled from the bowmen before the cavalry was landed. The disembarkation was allowed to go on without interruption.

Immediately set energetically to work to improve the defences

He immediately set energetically to work to improve the defences. Men worked day and night in heightening the walls on the harbor side, and in fortifying the gates on the landward side. The emperor encouraged citizens and soldiers by his presence, now at the works, now in leading the attacks that he organized upon the foraging parties of the enemy. His conduct confirmed him in the confidence of the people. He was hampered, however, by the old aristocratic spirit of the wealthy nobles.

To them he was objectionable because in such a time he refused to recognize their privileges. He insisted on their help, and subjected them, together with the rest of the inhabitants, to the severity of discipline of a city in a state of siege. They feared his voice, says Nicetas, like death. His energy seems to have entirely won the confidence of the imperial guard. They probably resented his conduct in withdrawing them from the palace while he obtained possession of Alexis; but when they subsequently learned that the emperor had proposed to bring in the enemy, they consented to join Mourtzouphlos.

Left England

There were doubtless men among them who had left England rather than endure Norman tyranny, and such men had now no wish to treat Normans and Frenchmen as friends. Had the Gambetta of this revolution been able to have delayed the attack upon the city, it is possible, and even probable, that he would have saved it. The writers on the side of the Crusaders and Venetians speak of the new emperor in a manner which shows that they believed they had now a much more formidable opponent to deal with. His great object was to save time. The enemy also saw, however, that in their interest no time should be given him.

The deposition of Isaac and Alexis gave Boniface and Dandolo the excuse they wanted. So long as the effect of revolution upon “right heir” and ins father were reigning within the city, the only pretext which the leaders could put forward for remaining before it was the merely mercenary one that they were waiting to be paid.

The Crusaders were unable to pay their fare

The Venetians had completed their part of the contract; the Crusaders were unable to pay their fare; the doge made a proposal which was accepted. At this point it becomes necessary to examine such other testimony as exists, in order to learn whether the diversion was due to the simple cause which is assigned for it by the great apologist for the crusade. The intention was, as we have seen, to go to Alexandria. “ But this praiseworthy design,” says Gunther, “ was hindered by the fraud and malice of the Venetians.

The Crusaders were received treacherously, says Rostangns, by those to whom they had come, who would not allow them for a long time to pass beyond sea. They refused to carry them beyond sea or to allow them to leave St. Kicolo di Lido unless they paid the uttermost farthing.” The leaders and the Crusaders generally appear, as we have seen, to have done their best to pay. But the number for which the city had furnished transport was largely in excess of that which had been brought together by the end of June. Out of 4000 knights and their attendants, only 1000 had assembled. Of the 100,000 foot soldiers provided for, there were not more than 50,000 or 60,000 on the Lido. The Crusaders argued that those who had come and were ready to pay ought not to be forced to pay for those who had not come. The Venetians claimed their pound of flesh.

Resistance was useless; the Crusaders were prisoners. The doge, according to Robert de Clari, told the Crusaders plainly, “ If you do not pay, understand well that you will not move from this island, nor will you find any one who ‘will furnish you meat and drink.” It was upon this threat that the leaders had borrowed what they could to pay their jailers. It was after a second collection for payment, in July Visit Bulgaria, 1202, that there was still about one third of the freight, or, according to Robert de Clari, 36,000 marks, unpaid. Shortly afterwards the Crusaders were persuaded to accept a compromise, which, on the whole, could not be considered as unfair. Dandolo was understood to have proposed that out of the share of the first spoil which fell to the Cru-saders in fighting the common enemy—that is, the Moslems —the sum due to the Venetians should be deducted. This proposition was gladly accepted.

Adriatic to Venice

Subsequently this promise was changed into a proposal for Proposal an aack Ponzara. This city lies on the oppotothe site coast of the Adriatic to Venice, was the capital of Dalmatia, and belonged to the King of Hungary, who had himself sent aid to the Crusaders. It had been rising in importance for many years. The Venetians alleged that its inhabitants had often of late made piratical attacks upon their ships. Possibly the charge was true, but the real reason of the hostility felt towards it was a jealousy of its commercial prosperity. The non-official versions represent the Zara expedition as forced on the Crusaders. The official versions represent the Crusaders as gladly consenting to pay the Venetians out of the spoils taken at Zara falling to their share. The story of Villehardouin is not at variance generally with those of other contemporary writers.

Its chief fault is a suppression of disagreeable facts. His object in writing the story of the crusade was to show that the expedition had not been so complete a failure as a crusade as the world had taken it to be. We must look to others for the unpleasant facts. The author of the “ Devastatio ” states that the troubles of the Crusaders began even before their arrival in Venice. The Lombards charged them heavy prices for victuals. When they reached the city they were cast out of the houses and compelled to go to Lido. The Crusaders were there treated in every respect as captives. Provisions were sold to them at famine prices. A sistarius of corn cost 50 soldi.

The Venetian rulers gave orders that no one should ferry any of the foreigners out of the island. The want of provisions and the sense of their helplessness created a panic among them. Those who could escaped. Some went home; some hastened to other ports in the hope of finding ships for Egypt or Syria. The summer heats caused a terrible mortality among the crowded host, so that, according to the same author, the living could scarcely be found to bury the dead.

Venice was now in the first springtime of her splendor

Venice was now in the first springtime of her splendor. The islands, which had themselves been constructed on the marshes, were already covered with stately buildings. The city had increased in wealth as Constantinople had declined.

The monopoly over the seas once possessed by Constantinople had long since been shared by the republic, which recognized in the annual ceremony of the Bucentaur that her wealth was derived from commerce. She had been, as we have seen, specially favored in the New Home. The tone of her civilization was that of Constantinople rather than that of any Western city. Her wealth, her distinction as a city whose civilization was more advanced than that of any Western rival, were derived from her intercourse with the New Rome. The very aspect of her streets wTere a reproduction of what had been seen on the Golden Horn. Her famous church, dedicated to St. Mark, was but a reproduction on a smaller scale of the still more famous church of the Divine Wisdom of the Incarnate Word which existed in Constantinople.

The Crusaders of this and of former expeditions were profoundly impressed with the prosperity and magnificence of Yenice. The New Home was still the royal or imperial city; but both cities evidently opened to the Crusaders new worlds of wealth, luxury, and civilization. They marvelled much, says Robert de Clari, at the great riches they found in Venice, and numbers of contemporary writers bear testimony to the astonishment which her civilization excited.

Of late years the Venetians had had difficulties with the Hostility of New Rome. We have seen- that these difficulties arose, in great measure, from the fact that the in Constantinople. fluence of Venice in Constantinople was no longer sufficient to exclude that of the other Italian republics Visit Bulgaria. Isaac Angelos had, in 1187, and again in 1189, as we have also seen, concluded a new alliance, assuring to Venice her old privileges, together with the payment of a considerable indemnity.

Alexis the Third

The consideration for the valuable concessions offered by the emperor was that the Venetians should place their fleet at the disposition of the empire, even in the case of a war against the emperor in the West. This treaty was confirmed in 1199 by Alexis the Third. In the spring of 1200 a quarrel took place at Constantinople between the Venetians and their great rivals the Pisans. The Venetians complained that their treaties had been violated ; that the subsidies promised by the emperor had not been paid ; above all, that the Pisans had been favored at their expense. The doge, during the summer of the same year, sent an embassy to Alexis to demand the payment of arrears and the renewal of commercial privileges.

Another embassy was sent six months later, and, indeed, the whole year was occupied with negotiations, which served only to show that it was improbable that the republic should regain her supreme influence on the Bosphorus. But the hostility to Constantinople reached its height when the Venetians learned that Alexis had, in May, 1201, received an embassy from Genoa, and was negotiating with Ottobono della Croce, its leader, for the concession of privileges for trade in Romania which Venice had hitherto regarded as exclusively her own. From this time the doge appears to have determined to avenge the wrongs of his state on the ruler who had ventured to favor his rivals.

Famous Henry Dandolo

The Doge of Venice at this time was the famous Henry Dandolo. He was already a very old man, but full at energy, greedy at glory, exasperated against the empire, and devoted to the interests of the republic. lie was able to command with equal success an army or a fleet. Though he was nearly, if not quite, blind, he devoted an amount of attention and ability to the cares of government which places him in the first rank of Venetian administrators. The Hew Rome was the special object of his hatred. The general belief after his death was that his eyes had been put out by order of the Emperor Alexis during his visit in 1172 or 1173 to Constantinople. “What is certain is that he bore against the empire an inextinguishable hatred, which made him willing to embrace any project directed against its capital city. He possessed the entire confidence of his fellow-citizens. His influence in Venice was so great that when he subsequently embarked with the Crusaders his son was appointed regent during the absence of his father.

Constantinople was the chief city of the Western world

Her huge blunder was neglect of her fleet. This neglect left her open to attack by sea, and although such an attack was useless unless it could be combined with a simultaneous attack by an army—although, too, there was but one state in the world which could equip a fleet adequate for the purpose in view, the peculiar position of Constantinople ought to have taught her rulers that.she could never be safe unless she could effectually bar the passage of the Dardanelles. When at last the moment came in which her old ally was to lead the attack against the imperial city, it was by means of the Venetian fleet that the vulnerable point was reached.

In 1200 Constantinople was the chief city of the Western world. Many circumstances had contributed to give her this pre-eminence. Much was due to her geographical position. Iso city at that time or for many centuries previous was so well situated for commanding influence at once over Europe and Asia. Her situation seemed pre-eminently flatted of hessite for the seat of the universal empire to which Roman ambition aspired. All the trade between Western Europe and the countries bordering on the Black Sea, and those to which that sea was the highway, must pass her gates.

Marmora and the Bosphorus

The Sea of Marmora and the Bosphorus, called oftener the Straits of St. George, afforded the easiest of paths for the commerce of the neighboring countries. The Golden Horn, the natural harbor of Constantinople, is protected from every wind, and is so deep throughout half its length that even large vessels can be moored quite close to the shores, while throughout the other half it shoals off so as to afford ample accommodation for the smallest vessels. The triangular peninsula upon which the city is situated slopes upward gently from the sea on the two long sides to a ridge at right angles to the base, and thus affords an easy natural drainage.

In Constantinople were many Italian colonies

In Constantinople were many Italian colonies, whose rivalries during the last years of the twelfth century contributed not a little to the same result. Before, however, speaking of these colonies and of the troubles of which they were the cause, I propose to call attention to the conditions under which foreigners lived in the empire. The subject is one which I venture to think has been overlooked, notwithstanding the fact that in its main features the system under which Italians and others lived during the middle ages lias survived down to the present day.

The Foreign Colonies in Constantinople and the Conditions under which Foreigners in the Empire Lived.

Almost every period of its history

The population of the New Borne, at almost every period of its history, has been composed of people of widely different races, religions, and tongues. Its geographical position causes it even now to have the most diversified population in the world. It is still the meeting-place of the East and West. It contains an English colony with its own courts and Diverse elements among1 its own judges, who administer English law. Population of Constantinian and Trench colonies in Constantinople, similarly under their own rulers, aim at reproducing the institutions of their respective countries. No nation in Europe is unrepresented.

There is also a colony of Persians, with its own laws, its Shiah observances, and its national government, transplanted on the Bosphorus. A Bokhariot bey rules over Bokhariot subjects in Stamboul. Mervians and Kurds, Cabulese and Hindoos, jostle against Montenegrins, Epirots, and Albanians. In no other city do the people of the various races which inhabit it keep so distinct from each other as they do in Constantinople. In no other European city is the foreign element, taken altogether, so alien and so incapable of entering into the feelings of the governing race as in the Constantinople of to-day. Yet in no other city has the foreign element played—and the remark is true of modern Constantinople—so important a part in its history.

Houses at Philomelium

The sultan collected his prisoners, gave them lands according to their social rank, provided them houses at Philomelium, near Iconium ; distributed seed-corn and provisions among them, promised that he would make their peace with the emperor, and that if the latter refused they should become his subjects, with the right of exemption from all taxes for five years, and of a light taxation afterwards. The treatment of these prisoners had the effect which the sultan desiredIt drew from the Asiatic provinces of the empire a considerable number of emigrants, and made further conquests easier.

In the words of Kicetas, the cities of Greece were depopulated to make colonies in the territory of the barbarians. The opposition which Alexis made was of a very feeble character, partly because the presence of other enemies required his return to the capital, and partly because he himself was suffering from gout.

Sons of Kilidji Arslan

As the century closed, the history of the Seljukian Turks entered upon a phase which at another time might, as we have seen, have enabled the empire to recover lost ground. The division of the Sultanate of Iconium was itself an advantage to the empire, but a further gain was shortly obtained by the jealousies of the sons of Kilidji Arslan. On the death of one of these, two out of the others who had divided their father’s empire among them contended for the succession of their dead brother. The victor then attacked Ivaikhosro, Sultan of Iconium, who was the son of a Christian mother, and was hated on that account.

Kaikhosro thereupon made a truce with the empire. He subsequently asked the aid of Leo, King of Armenia, but was nevertheless defeated and came to Constantinople, where he was allowed to live as a private citizen. The further quarrels among the sons of Kilidji-Arslan contributed to make the end of the century a favorable opportunity in the eyes of the pope, and of other Western statesmen, for striking an effective blow at Moslemism.

The troubles of the empire were now crowding upon it, and Alexis was not the man to meet them with tionofthe success, lie had begun his reign amid a considerable amount of popularity.

Certain Hagioehristophorides

According to custom, all the nobility attended the emperor on the feast of the Ascension. The two nobles in question were present, and were, in fact, taken to court against their will. One of the wretched instruments of the tyrant, a certain Hagioehristophorides, whom the people not inappropriately called Antichristophorides, took up a large stone in presence of the nobles, invited the bystanders to follow his example, and threatened those who neglected to iiis sureties do so themselves would be stoned. The are murdered two Slireties were stoned to death ; one of them was buried in the Jewish cemetery, and the other thrown into the Golden Horn.

Annulation dronicos

The tide of popular sentiment had now begun to turn. Annulation dronicos was recognized in his true character as a against An- brutal and selflsh tyrant. It was observed that he dronicos
helped him to obtain the throne as he had formerly been to remove the partisans of the boy emperor. In spite of the tears of the old hypocrite, his regret that the laws should be so severe—for in most cases his victims were duly condemned according to regular process of law—his protests that the decisions of the judges had overridden his own desires, the people justly attributed the unusual cruelties to him alone.

These cruelties marked almost every day of his reign, and were the sole cause of the growing disaffection. lie had begun his reign amid a popular welcome. His splendid physique and his stately appearance had always done much to recommend him. The people would have pardoned the looseness of conduct which caused him always to have one or two mistresses at the same table with his wife, if he had restrained his savage

cruelty. lie had begun several reforms which lustly tended to make him popular. He had repressed the rapacity of the nobles, though he plundered them himself unmercifully.

Crusaders replied to the Sultan of Egypt

There was even a disposition on the part of other Moslems to abandon the Turks. The Arabs then, as now, expressed contempt for their ignorance and barbarism. The Sultan of Bagdad requested the Crusaders to drive them out of Jerusalem. The Crusaders replied to the Sultan of Egypt, who had represented that Syria belonged to the Saracens, that the Turks had only acquired the rights of robbers. In June, 1098, the Crusaders took Antioch ; but the conquest almost proved fatal.

Before they could provision the town which they had taken, 360,000 Turks surrounded it; when, at the last extremity, the Crusaders were encouraged by the
fraudulent discovery of the holy lance, or, according to other accounts, one of the nails which pierced our Lord, and obtained a great victory. A hundred thousand Turks are said to have been slain. The enemy’s camp and baggage was captured, and the Turkish general himself was killed. A year afterwards—namely, in 1099—Jerusalem was taken by assault.

Turkish Eastern empire

Thus by the army of the First Crusade, as well as by the Turkish Eastern empire, the Turks had been bers recruited seriously defeated. Victories had been gained over defeat by new them which, under ordinary circumstances, would have been decisive. Three large armies had been destroyed; but every defeat was followed by a new advance of the enemy.

Central Asia was always pouring in a new supply of recruits ready to fight for Islam and the plunder of the New Rome tours bulgaria. As it was in the eleventh century, so, also, it continued to be during the twelfth. The first eighty years of the century was an almost uninterrupted period of war between the empire and the Turks. The superior discipline and civilization of the empire gave them on man}’ occasions the advantage. The Greek accounts of victories may fairly be looked on with suspicion; but Armenian and Moslem historians relate many defeats inflicted on the Mahometans.

Meantime the lands in Asia Minor were falling out of cultivation, or were being occupied by the invaders. That which had been a mere conquest in the eleventh century became a devastation or a settlement in the twelfth. Cities, which at the beginning of the century had been populous, well built, and prosperous, were in numberless instances falling into ruins, while the inhabitants had been ruthlessly slaughtered.1 The war, like most religious wars, even when religious fanaticism is only present on one side, had become one of great cruelty. Quarter was rarely asked or given. The imperial armies were fighting for their homes and lives, the Turks for Islam and plunder.

Kilidji Arslan

Scarcely a year had passed between the opening of the century (when the first Kilidji Arslan, Sultan of Iconium, was reigning) and 1192, when the second of the same name died, without a battle being fought between the Greeks and the Turks. In 1105 the latter had again obtained possession of Kicsea. In 1108 the Greeks destroyed an army of 24,000 men which had pillaged the country around Philadelphia.5 Four years later the Emperor Alexis found that a new band of Turks from Khorasan had arrived and was ravaging Bithynia.

These were attacked, and with such success that, according to one writer, these Khorasan Turks were never again seen ; according to another,6 they vanished like smoke. While the empire was obtaining these successes over the Turks, the Crusaders, who had established themselves in the north of Syria, were continually struggling against them. Still their numbers enabled them to hold their own against the soldiers of the West as well as against those of the emperor. In 1111 the province of Gihon was taken from the Franks, and the riext year Baldwin, the Count of Edessa, a principality which the Crusaders had established around the city of that name to the northeast of Aleppo, found an innumerable army of Turks marching towards his territory.